Category: Caregiving

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Let's Eliminate Physical Restraints in Group Homes

00Adolescence, Autism, Caregiving, Ethics and Morality, Featured news, Trauma September, 17

Source: Valentine Svensson at flickr, Creative Commons

In April 2015, Justin Sangiuliano, a seventeen-year-old diagnosed with Autism, was physically restrained at his group home in Oshawa, Canada. To control an aggressive outburst, two staff members grabbed his arms and placed him on the floor as he kicked and screamed. Staff released him once he stopped struggling, but Justin never got up. He was rushed to the hospital without a heartbeat and died five days later.

Justin’s death, and the deaths of other children in Ontario group homes, raises questions about the provincial child protection system and the efficacy of using force to restrain vulnerable populations.

The Canadian Institute for Health Information defines physical restraint as when “a person is physically held to restrict his or her movement for a brief period of time in order to restore calm to the individual.”

Ontario regulations state that physical restraints can be used to prevent group home residents from injuring themselves, injuring others, or causing significant property damage. Restraints should only be used after less intrusive methods have been applied and deemed ineffective.

But a Toronto Star investigation found that physical intervention is being used as a frequent form of discipline in these homes. The report documented that, between 2010 and 2015, some 45,000 restraints were used in Ontario residential programs to discipline vulnerable children and youth. Restraints were used in more than one third of the 1,200 serious occurrence reports filed in 2013 by group homes in Toronto.

While there may be some benefits to using physical restraint in controlling violent children, inappropriate use of these practices suggests a power and control issue among some group home staff.

The Toronto Star investigation reported an instance of a child begging to be released: “I’m going to pee myself.” The staff members refused to let go of the child until he urinated on himself.

In another study by social work professors Laura Steckley and Andrew Kendrick at the University of Strathclyde in Glasgow, Scotland, children spoke to the injuries they incurred as a result of forcible restraint:

“Half the time when residential staff restrain you they just purely hurt you. I get hurt most of the time. I had a mark from a carpet burn, hurting on my shoulder, and marks on my chest.”

Additionally, preventable deaths and high rates of physical intervention on children with developmental disabilities demonstrate inadequate training of residential staff.

In an interview with the Toronto Star, Kim Snow, an associate professor at Ryerson University’s School of Child and Youth Care, speaks to the dangers of restraining children with developmental disabilities without safe and adequate staff training:

“Although the provincial government lists six approved training programs in the use of physical restraints, no one has looked at which techniques are best. Is one safer than the other? Should one be used in certain situations and not others? Sometimes staff can’t contain kids using a restraint. So what happens when those situations occur? Until we can answer those questions, the risk of harm as a result of restraints is quite high for both staff and kids.”

As an advocate for child safety within the Ontario residential system for over three decades, Snow wants the province to track the use of restraints more closely.

“It takes highly skilled staff to work with children with histories of trauma and accompanying rage to be able to contain them without physically intervening. When people lack those skills they become frightened and they intervene much too quickly. When that happens, the child or youth’s physical and psychological safety is at risk.”

Research by the Residential Child Care Project at Cornell University addresses the physical and psychological harm that can result from restraint use on a vulnerable population. The 2008 study found restraints to be “a considerable risk to vulnerable youth, are intrusive, have a negative effect on the treatment environment, and have a profound effect on those youth who have experienced trauma in their lives.”

And a 2013 report by Youth Leaving Care, a working group created by the Ontario government to investigate the quality of care vulnerable youth receive in group homes, identified high frequency of restraint use to be a major problem, and recommended the government “works with group home providers to clarify and reinforce policies and best practices to make sure they are followed.”

So, what is being done to improve the care of children with disabilities in Ontario residential homes?

Irwin Elman, the Provincial Advocate for Children and Youth, leads a group called Youth Leaving Care that caters to young people who grew up in Ontario’s group homes.

While certain advocates of children and youth in residential homes call for improved training to properly implement restraints, Elman believes these homes should eliminate restraint altogether to limit preventable deaths.

“These are children who often come with experiences of violence or serious mental health challenges. How in hell do we expect them to achieve to their full potential, to heal, to find supportive relationships in those kinds of environments?”

–Lauren Goldberg, Contributing Writer, The Trauma and Mental Health Report. 

–Chief Editor: Robert T. MullerThe Trauma and Mental Health Report

Copyright Robert T. Muller.

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

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Photography Documenting Mental Illness Draws Criticism

00Caregiving, Emotional Intelligence, Empathy, Featured news, Health, Relationships, Resilience March, 17

Source: ethermoon on flickr, Creative Commons

For the past six years, Melissa Spitz of St. Louis, Missouri has been using photography to illustrate her mother’s experience with mental illness, referring to it as a form of “documentary photography”.

The photographs taken of Melissa’s mother Deborah are shared on Melissa’s professional website and on her Instagram in a project she calls “You Have Nothing to Worry About.” They artfully depict Deborah’s lifelong struggle with bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, depression, dissociative identity disorder, and problem drinking.

In an interview with Time Magazine, Melissa explained that the series aims to provide an intimate look into the life of an individual suffering from mental illness. She told Dazed Digital:

“For me, mental illness has a face and a name—and that’s mum.”

Melissa first became aware of her mother’s mental-health problems when she was a child, and Deborah had to be institutionalized for “psychotic paranoia”. After years of anger and blame, Melissa picked up her camera as a way of confronting her mother’s disorder head-on.

The project became an emotional outlet for Melissa to facilitate healing. In an interview with Aint Bad Magazine, she explained:

“By turning the camera toward my mother and my relationship with her, I capture her behavior as an echo of my own emotional response. The images function like an ongoing conversation.”

Research published in the Journal of Public Health has shown that creative media can serve as powerful tools to help people express feelings of grief. Art therapy specifically can provide a means of expression, relieve emotional tension, and offer alternative perspectives.

Through her project, feelings of pain and hurt that Melissa held toward her mother were ameliorated, and she found herself feeling greater empathy, visually acknowledging her mother’s struggle with mental illness.

While the project is not without its merits, the provocative nature of the photographs—ranging from Deborah’s hospitalization to images of her unclothed and bruised—may elicit shock and discomfort in viewers.

Which raises the question: where do we draw the line between exploitation and freedom of expression in art depicting mental illness?

Laura Burke, a drama therapist from Nova Scotia, Canada, sees Melissa’s project as crossing an ethical line. Laura was diagnosed with schizophrenia in 2005, and has suffered from depression her entire life. She believes that people with mental illness are often spoken for, and this is a common trap in representing their lives through art.

In an interview with The Trauma and Mental Health Report, Laura commented on Melissa’s project:

“It appears sensitively done, but the line between exploitation and reverence is a tough one to walk. If the focus was more explicitly on Spitz’s perspectives of her mother, and not an objective account of how things happened, which is sometimes how a photo can appear, I might feel more comfortable with it.”

Another issue that can arise is the power differential between photographer and subject. Even when consent is provided, subjects who struggle with mental health issues are particularly vulnerable when someone else is formulating the vision and acting as “the voice” of the art piece.

Laura addressed this concern in her interview:

“I feel that focusing more on the family member’s experience, and less on the subject living with the mental illness would be a less exploitative choice.”

Melissa is aware of the criticism her project has garnered from audiences. In an interview with Time Magazine, Melissa said:

“I am fully aware that my mother thrives on being the center of attention and that, at times, our portrait sessions encourage her erratic behavior. My hope for the project is to show that these issues can happen to anyone, from any walk of life and that there is nothing to be ashamed about.”

Despite the criticism, art can be transformative for both the artist and the audience by exposing mental illness in its rawest form. Max Houghton, a Senior Lecturer in Photojournalism and Documentary Photography at the London College of Communication, appreciates what Melissa’s project can do, and how it can help break down stigma surrounding mental illness.

Houghton told BBC News:

“I think photojournalism is criticised when it looks at the miserable side of life and depressing issues. However, in the right hands, photography can be used as a tool to discover and tell important stories differently”.

Projects like Melissa’s You Have Nothing to Worry About often spark much needed discussion around mental illness and are important and necessary to address stigma. And yet, one is left wondering whether such depictions of the vulnerable may do more harm than good.

–Nonna Khakpour, Contributing Writer, The Trauma and Mental Health Report

–Chief Editor: Robert T. MullerThe Trauma and Mental Health Report

Copyright Robert T. Muller

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

After a Stillbirth, Interpersonal Support Facilitates Coping

After a Stillbirth, Interpersonal Support Facilitates Coping

00Caregiving, Depression, Featured news, Grief, Health, Parenting, Resilience October, 15

Source: Judit Klein on Flickr

Over 2 million babies are stillborn every year worldwide, resulting from a genetic or physical defect, an illness suffered by the mother, or problems with the umbilical cord. In more than one quarter of cases, no cause can be determined.

In a recent interview with The Trauma & Mental Health Report, Heather, a mother and mature student shared her experiences surrounding stillbirth and commented on the services provided for families.

I chose to name my baby Benjamin.  I didn’t return to work after I got the ultrasound results and eventually I resigned.  I didn’t want to face the office, or their sympathy.

Immediately after a stillbirth, parents are offered various services to help manage their grief.

I was given a private room for the induction – an artificially stimulated labour – and received options for grief counselling and the services of priests and rabbis at the hospital.  We had him cremated, and the tiny basket of ashes was buried on my grandmother’s grave.  My husband and I also received genetic counselling to try to find the cause of the loss.

Parents of stillborn children have the option to see, touch, or hold their baby.  Memories that validate their experiences as parents can be created through handprints or footprints, pictures, or keeping locks of hair.  It can be overwhelming to make these decisions while coping with the reality that your child is gone, but these options may help parents make sense of their grief.

I was 21 weeks pregnant, so I was already making plans, thinking of names, and my daughter was looking forward to having a sibling.  I also looked physically pregnant… I was ready to have a baby, and in a fleeting moment he was gone.  It was so hard to move forward after that, and it was hard to reach out for help.

Interactions with hospital staff following the death of the child may influence how parents cope.  A 2013 study by Soo Downe, an associate professor at the University of Central Lancashire, found that parents believed there was only one chance to create an environment conducive to coping.  This means that positive memories and outcomes following a stillbirth depend as much on caring attitudes and behaviors of staff as on high-quality clinical procedures.

When interactions with hospital staff did not create a supportive environment, parents became distressed, which added to their grief and affected their ability to manage their jobs, family life, and mental health.  This additional stress can ultimately impact couples’ willingness to seek help.  When these interactions were more compassionate, parents were more likely to have positive, healing memories that aided their psychosocial recovery.

It is also common for parents to develop poor coping strategies, and to adjust differently after the loss of a child. Those who do not seek out services because of shame, fear, or anger tend to suffer in silence. A study by social worker Joanne Cacciatore, Faculty Associate at Arizona State University, shows that women who attend a support group develop fewer post-traumatic stress symptoms than those who do not.

Opening up to other bereaved mothers is helpful for reducing grief and other mental health difficulties.  Partners may also find reaching out to religious or spiritual leaders, funeral homes, and support groups helpful.  Online resources like blogging can also be useful for parents looking to connect in an anonymous way.

Heather was lucky to have the support and experience of the women in her family, which played a critical role in how she managed her grief.

I was grateful that my mother came out to stay with me during the termination.  Talking with her helped.  Other family members also began opening up for the first time about their experiences with miscarriage and stillbirth.  I didn’t feel so alone.

Some organizations are working to educate marital partners on coping styles and seeking out support.  The International Stillbirth Alliance works to improve stillbirth prevention and bereavement care for those who have lost a child.  Although they do not provide individual services, they work with other organizations to connect locally and globally to improve standards of care.

Women who have had a stillbirth can benefit from bereavement services and support of their loved ones.  Those who suffer in silence will likely do so much longer than they have to.

– Danielle Tremblay, Contributing Writer, The Trauma and Mental Health Report

– Chief Editor: Robert T. Muller, The Trauma and Mental Health Report

Copyright: Robert T. Muller

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

Grieving the Loss of a Child: The Five Stage Myth

Grieving the Loss of a Child: The Five Stage Myth

00Caregiving, Featured news, Grief, Identity, Memory, Parenting, Resilience, Trauma June, 15

Source: Bethan/Flickr

When we think of death, dying and grief, no one therapist has had the impact and staying power as that of Elisabeth Kübler-Ross. Her five stage model, presented in her classic, On Death and Dying, has been an influential voice on the topic for decades.

But in the last few years, work in the field has put the universality of that model in question. Some, such as Russell Friedman, therapist and director of the Grief Recovery Institute argue that with many kinds of loss people don’t grieve in five stages at all.

Originally intended to describe experiential stages of people facing their own impending death, mental health providers as well as school counsellors and educators seem to have generalized the Kübler-Ross model to a multitude of situations, some applicable, some not so much.

In a recent interview, The Trauma & Mental Health Report spoke with Katherine, who described her personal reactions throughout the first year after the loss of her son, Ben, who was killed in a car accident ten days shy of his twenty-first birthday. Like many coping with loss, her grief did not follow the patterns described by Kübler-Ross, it was much less predictable.

Katherine: I decided to see a social worker a few months after Ben died. We talked about grief after loss and the counsellor recited Elisabeth Kübler-Ross’s five stage grief model: denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance. This didn’t describe how I was feeling at all…

During the first few months after the accident, the only way I can describe how I was feeling is that there was no ‘feeling.’ It was as if my heart was ripped out and stomped on. There was nothing left, but a complete numbness.

According to clinical psychologists Jennifer Buckle and Stephen Fleming, co-authors of Parenting after the Death of a Child: A Practitioner’s Guide, this feeling of numbness described by Katherine, is often the first grieving experience reported by bereaved parents. Coupled with this sense of numbness, bereaved parents, especially mothers, feel vulnerable and unprotected in what is now considered to be an unfair world.

Eventually the numbness subsides and the unsettling and preoccupying images of the child’s death take over. Almost all bereaved parents make reference to traumatic memories. Even parents not present when their child died describe the trauma experienced as if they were physically there and directly involved.

Katherine: The nightmares just didn’t want to go away. I would have the same reoccurring dream. I would see a red traffic light and hear cars crashing, and then I would wake up in panic. It came to the point where I was anxious every night before bed; I knew what was coming, another nightmare or barely any sleep. I can’t recall having a peaceful sleep the first few months.

Katherine’s nightmares became less frequent over time, but still crept up on occasion. In Buckle and Fleming’s view, the impact of trauma can lessen for some over time; but for others, the images and violent memories may vividly persist.

Grieving parents also fight with recurring flashes of past memories they shared with their deceased child. After a child’s death, most parents feel as if a part of their life has been erased, this is a very frightening. To cope, some parents will resort to avoiding places they associate with the deceased child.

Katherine: It took me over a year to set foot in another hockey arena. Ben was coming home from hockey the night of the accident… just the idea of going into an arena was painful. All the memories… watching him learn how to skate, going to hockey practices, and going with the family to hockey tournaments. I was trying to avoid that pain.

Bereaved parents put a lot of energy into avoiding feelings, memories and places that remind them of the child. At times they also ruminate, thinking about what could or should have been.

Katherine: Sometimes I can’t help it, something will remind me of Ben, and I immediately think about what things would be like now if he was still around. It gets really hard at family get-togethers and around birthdays and holidays. Not having him there… a parent can never get used to that.

Psychology professor Susan Nolen-Hoecksema, on faculty at Yale University, reports that women tend to ruminate more if they were battling depression before their child’s death, in comparison to women who were not. Elderly bereaved parents also tend to ruminate more than younger bereaved parents. With more free time on their hands, there is occasion to think about what might have been.

So why do some parents have an easier time adjusting after the loss of a child, compared to others?

To move forward, grief counsellors tend to agree that parents need to experience their own pain, keep the deceased child’s memory alive, and accept the loss, a notion that aligns well with the Kübler-Ross “acceptance” stage. Parents who continue to avoid don’t adjust so well.

The ability to learn from bereavement helps parents take responsibility for creating a new purposeful life. Irvin Yalom, author of Existential Psychotherapy posits that when parents find it too painful to learn from their bereavement experience, they are unwilling to “feel true feelings guiltlessly.” For parents to adjust well, realising that it’s okay to be happy again is crucial.

The loss of a child is likely the most difficult thing a parent can endure. Perhaps it is fitting that a life experience so profound would turn out to be complex and hard to fit into predictable stages.

– Tessie Mastorakos, Contributing Writer, The Trauma and Mental Health Report

– Chief Editor: Robert T. Muller, The Trauma and Mental Health Report

Copyright Robert T. Muller

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

Child Criminals, Feature2

Children Who Kill Are Often Victims Too

00Adolescence, Attachment, Caregiving, Child Development, Empathy, Ethics and Morality, Featured news, Law and Crime, Parenting, Psychiatry, Punishment, Self-Control, Therapy, Trauma March, 15

Source: torbakhopper/Flikr

In 1993, in Merseyside, England, Jon Venables and Robert Thompson were charged with the abduction and murder of 2-year-old James Bulger.  Bulger had been abducted from a shopping mall, repeatedly assaulted, and his body left to be run over by a train.  Both Venables and Thompson were 10 years old at the time.

The public and the media called for justice, seeking harsh punishment and life imprisonment for the murder of a child.  The boys were labeled as inherently evil and unrepentant for their crimes.

When there are crimes against children, it is common for the public to view the victims as innocent and the perpetrators as depraved monsters.  But what do we do when the accused are also children?

Instances of children (12 years of age and younger) who have killed other children are extremely rare.  In a study conducted by University of New Hampshire professors David Finkelhor and Richard Ormrod for the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP), murders of children committed by those aged 11 and under accounted for less than 2 percent of all child murders in the US. Cases also tend to differ significantly, so conclusions can be difficult to make.  But there are some similarities that have emerged, telling us about the minds of child murderers.

Children who murder have often been severely abused or neglected and have experienced a tumultuous home life.  Psychologist Terry M. Levy, a proponent of corrective attachment therapy at the Evergreen Psychotherapy Centre, notes that children who have severe attachment problems (which often result from unreliable and ineffective caregiving) and a history of abuse may develop very aggressive behaviours.  They can also have trouble controlling emotions, which can lead to impulsive, violent outbursts directed at themselves or others.

Other similarities among child murderers include having a family member with a criminal record, suffering from a traumatic loss, a history of disruptive behaviour, witnessing or experiencing violence, and being rejected or abandoned by a parent.  Problems in the home can be particularly influential.  If a child witnesses or experiences violence, they are likely to repeat violence in other situations.

What a child understands at the time of the crime is of great importance to the justice system.  The minimum age of criminal responsibility (MACR) is the age at which children are deemed capable of committing a crime.  The MACR differs between jurisdictions, but allows any person at or above the set chronological age to be criminally charged, and receive criminal penalties, which can include life imprisonment.

Many courts consider criminal responsibility in terms of understanding.  So they may consider someone criminally responsible if, at the time of the crime, they understood the act was wrong, understood the difference between right and wrong or understood that their behaviour was a crime.  But this approach has been criticized as being too simplistic.  Criminal responsibility requires the understanding of various other factors, many of which children cannot appreciate.

Children may know that certain behaviours are ‘wrong’, but only as a result of what adults have taught them, and not because they fully understand the moral argument behind it.  Morality and the finality of death are abstract concepts, and according to theorists such as Swiss psychologist-philosopher Jean Piaget (whose theory of child development has seen much empirical support), most children under 12 are only able to reason and solve problems using ideas that can be represented concretely.  It is not until puberty that the ability to reason with abstract concepts (like thinking about hypothetical situations) develops.

Prepubescent children are also not fully emotionally developed, and less able to use self-control and appreciate the consequences of their actions.  This, in combination with the fact that many child murderers are impulsive, aggressive, and unable to deal with their emotions, suggests that when children kill, they are treating their victim as a target, as an outlet for violence.  Most victims are either much younger than or close to the same age as the perpetrators, which may suggest they were chosen because they could be overpowered easily.

Research to date suggests that child murderers don’t fully understand the severity or implications of their crimes.  And psychiatric assessments have shown intense psychological disturbance, making true appreciation of the crime even less likely.  Yet many children have been found criminally responsible and sentenced in adult courts.

Jon Venables, Robert Thompson, and Mary Bell received therapeutic intervention while incarcerated, and have since been released.  As far as the public knows, only Venables has reoffended.  However, Eric Smith (convicted of killing 4-year-old Derrick Robie) remains behind bars today, even though he was imprisoned at 13.

Critics of judicial leniency for children accused of murder often cite the refrain ”adult crime; adult time,” choosing to focus on the severity of the crime rather than the age and competency of the offender.  Make no mistake; the murders of these children were brutal, depraved acts that caused intense suffering for the victims, their families, and communities.

But in our zeal, in our outrage, do we dehumanize these children?  Children who—like their victims—can be victims too.

– Contributing Writer: Jennifer Parlee, The Trauma and Mental Health Report

– Chief Editor: Robert T. Muller, The Trauma and Mental Health Report

Copyright Robert T. Muller

Photo Credit:torbakhopper/Flikr

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

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Pornland: How Porn Has Hijacked Our Sexuality

00Caregiving, Consumer Behavior, Ethics and Morality, Fantasies, Featured news, Gender, Pornography, Sex, Sport and Competition, Trauma August, 14

Claiming that mainstream porn is in the business of “making hate,” sociology and women’s studies professor Gail Dines at Wheelock College, Boston, has been a voice in the anti-pornography movement for two decades. In her latest book, Pornland: How Porn Has Hijacked our Sexuality, Dines challenges the idea that the porn industry is in the business of “making love.”

She opens the subject with this line: “The awkward truth, according to one study, is that 90 percent of 8 to 16-year-olds have viewed pornography online. That means there is an entire generation of young people who think sex ends with a money shot to the face.” She points to the violence, rape and trauma embedded in mainstream pornography as cleverly wrapped in a sexual cloak, rendering it invisible. Those who protest are deemed anti-sex instead of anti-violence.

Dines has been portrayed as an uptight, anti-sex, victim feminist. But before judging, we should understand her arguments.

Argument 1: Pornography is first and foremost a business

Informative and well researched, the first three chapters describe the emergence of the porn industry. Dines walks readers from post World War II America to the present, describing the evolution of mass porn distribution as a key driver of new technological innovations. The most recent of these innovations being streaming video on computers and cell phones, allowing users to buy porn in private without embarrassing trips to seedy shops.

A multi-billion dollar business, content has been shaped by the contours of sophisticated marketing, state of the art technology, and competition within the industry. Dines says that underestimating the power of this well-oiled machine is the biggest mistake consumers of porn often make.

Argument 2: Porn is more than just fantasy

The next few chapters are devoted to myth busting. Dines considers porn to take place in “a parallel universe where love and intimacy are replaced by violence and the incessant abuse of women.” The majority of scenes from 50 top rented pornographic movies contained physical and verbal abuse; in fact, 90 percent of scenes contained at least one aggressive act.

In her chapter “Leaky Images: How Porn Seeps into Men’s Lives,” Dines examines the argument that porn is just entertainment citing that it is naive to think that fantasy can somehow remain separate from consumers’ actual sex lives. She looks at issues like the real-world effects of porn by drawing comparisons to the plastic surgery industry. “Many women know that the image of the model in the ads is an airbrushed, technologically enhanced version of the real thing, but that doesn’t stop us from buying products in the hope that we can imitate an image of an unreal woman.”

When the content source–big business–is considered, it becomes clearer how porn is not fantasy in the traditional sense of the word. Rather than coming from imagination, longings and experiences, these “fantasies” are highly formulaic factory-line images.

Argument 3: Pornography breeds violence

In 2002, the case of Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coalition deemed the 1996 Child Porn Prevention Act unconstitutional because its definition of child pornography (any visual depiction that appears to be of a minor engaging in sexually explicit conduct) was too broad. Dines explains that the law was narrowed to cover only those images of an actual person under the age of 18 (rather than one that simply appears to be). Since then, Pseudo Child Pornography or PCP has exploded all over the internet.

In PCP, “childified” women are adorned with pigtails and shown playing with toys. They are penetrated by any number of men masquerading as fathers, teachers, employers, coaches, and just plain old anonymous child molesters. Dines gives examples of defloration sites and websites specializing in virginity-taking, where an intact hymen is displayed before penetration. This disturbing issue serves as the climax of Dines’ book.

Unfortunately, Dines may lose a number of readers by drawing a link between viewing PCP and pedophilia. Dines interviews sexual offenders in prison, questioning them about their child porn consumption prior to engaging in child abuse. Almost without fail, offenders admitted to the use of porn before committing their crimes. This kind of retrospective research cannot accurately show cause-effect and fails to consider a host of other potential factors influencing child abuse (e.g., prior history of sexual abuse from a caregiver). In this way, she overstates her case.

Still, Pornland provides a rich examination of the porn industry and what it means to grow up in a porn-saturated culture. Despite a bent toward sensationalism, the book will help female and male readers question their beliefs about sex and also question where those beliefs come from.

– Contributing Writer: Anjani Kapoor, The Trauma and Mental Health Report

– Chief Editor: Robert T. Muller, The Trauma and Mental Health Report

Copyright Robert T. Muller

This article was originally published on Psychology Today