Category: Trauma

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Rape Victims' Reactions Misunderstood by Law Enforcement

00Depression, Featured news, Law and Crime, Neuroscience, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, Trauma January, 18

Source: Richard George Davis, used with permission

In 2008, 18-year-old Marie reported being raped at knifepoint in her apartment. Confronted by the police with allegations that she was lying, she conceded under pressure that the rape may have been a dream. Then, after being aggressively interrogated about her story, she finally admitted to making it up. She was subsequently charged with false reporting.

The report, however, was not false. In June 2012, Marc O’Leary pleaded guilty to 28 counts of rape and was sentenced to 327½ years in prison, including 28½ years for the rape of Marie.

Rape is unlike most other criminal offenses. The credibility of the victim is often on trial as much as the guilt of the assailant, despite the fact that false rape accusations are rare (only an estimated 2 to 8 percent of cases are fabricated).

Sergeant Gregg Rinta, a sex crimes supervisor at the Snohomish County Sheriff’s Office in Washington, deemed that what happened to Marie was “nothing short of the victim being coerced into admitting that she had lied about the rape.” Rinta recounted in an external report of the department’s handling of the case how Marie was subjected to “bullying and hounding,” as well as threats of jail time and withdrawal of housing assistance.

Steve Rider, the commander of Marie’s criminal investigation, considers her case a failure. In an interview conducted by ProPublica and The Marshall Project, he explained:

“Knowing that she went through that brutal attack—and then we told her she lied? That’s awful. We all got into this job to help people, not to hurt them.”

The seed of doubt was planted when the police received a phone call from Marie’s former foster mother Peggy and another foster mother, Shannon. One of their biggest issues was that Marie was calm while describing the attack, rather than upset. Shannon stated:

“She called and said, ‘I’ve been raped.’ there was just no emotion. It was like she was telling me that she’d made a sandwich.”

Peggy remembers:

“I felt like she was telling me the script of a Law & Order story. She seemed so detached and removed emotionally.”

Hearing these accounts from those closest to Marie led the police to distrust her story, and the situation unfolded from there. In rape cases, a judgment of legitimacy often focuses on the victim’s reaction during and following the event instead of on the assailant’s behaviour.

Clinical psychologist Dr. Rebecca Campbell spoke about the neurobiology of sexual assault in a talk to the National Institute of Justice. She explained that victims are flooded with high levels of opiates during a rape—chemicals in the body intended to block physical and emotional pain, but which can also dull the victims’ feelings:

“The affect that a victim might be communicating during the assault and afterward may be very flat, incredibly monotone—like seeing no emotional reaction, which can seem counterintuitive to both the victim and other people.”

This misperception contributes to sexual assault cases not going to trial. Of rape cases that are reported, 84 percent are never referred to prosecutors or charged; 7 percent are charged but later dropped; 7 percent get a plea bargain; 1 percent are acquitted; and only 1 percent are ever convicted.

Dr. Campbell identifies part of this problem is the police misunderstanding victims’ reactions as they recount their trauma. Based on this confusion, police officers make assumptions about the legitimacy of what they hear and often discourage victims from seeking justice. Officers may even secondarily victimize them.

Secondary victimization is defined by Dr. Campbell as “the attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of social system personnel that victims experience as victim blaming and insensitive. It exacerbates their trauma, and it makes them feel like what they’re experiencing is a second rape.”

On average, 90 percent of victims are subject to at least one secondary victimization in their first encounter with the justice system. Victimization includes discouraging victims from pursuing the case, telling them it’s not serious enough, and asking about their appearance or any actions that may have provoked the assault.

These incidents have a profound effect on victims, as conveyed by Dr. Campbell, with many report feeling depressed, blamed, and violated. In fact, 80 percent feel unwilling to seek further help. As a result, many rape victims withdraw their complaint. To make matters worse, only 68 percent of rape cases are reported in the first place.

Sharing information on the neurobiology of trauma could be a powerful tool in educating police officers who don’t understand victims’ reactions. Evidence of the neurobiological changes that lead to flat affect or what appear to be huge emotional swings after an assault may help police better serve this population.

Furthermore, normalizing a range of reactions from rape victims, rather than accepting preconceived notions, may lead to a safer and more effective environment for reporting sexual assault. Knowledge about trauma can also serve to inform public discourse about sexual assault, as well as help victims to see their own reactions with compassion.

–Caitlin McNair, Contributing Writer, The Trauma and Mental Health Report.

–Chief Editor: Robert T. MullerThe Trauma and Mental Health Report. 

Copyright Robert T. Muller.

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

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Rape Victims’ Reactions Misunderstood by Law Enforcement

40Depression, Featured news, Law and Crime, Neuroscience, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, Trauma January, 18

Source: Richard George Davis, used with permission

In 2008, 18-year-old Marie reported being raped at knifepoint in her apartment. Confronted by the police with allegations that she was lying, she conceded under pressure that the rape may have been a dream. Then, after being aggressively interrogated about her story, she finally admitted to making it up. She was subsequently charged with false reporting.

The report, however, was not false. In June 2012, Marc O’Leary pleaded guilty to 28 counts of rape and was sentenced to 327½ years in prison, including 28½ years for the rape of Marie.

Rape is unlike most other criminal offences. The credibility of the victim is often on trial as much as the guilt of the assailant, despite the fact that false rape accusations are rare (only an estimated 2-8% of cases are fabricated).

Sergeant Gregg Rinta, a sex crimes supervisor at the Snohomish County Sheriff’s Office in Washington, deemed that what happened to Marie was “nothing short of the victim being coerced into admitting that she had lied about the rape.” Rinta recounted in an external report of the department’s handling of the case how Marie was subjected to “bullying and hounding”, as well as threats of jail time and withdrawal of housing assistance.

Steve Rider, the commander of Marie’s criminal investigation, considers her case a failure. In an interview conducted by ProPublica and The Marshall Project, he explained:

“Knowing that she went through that brutal attack—and then we told her she lied? That’s awful. We all got into this job to help people, not to hurt them”

The seed of doubt was planted when the police received a phone call from Marie’s former foster mother Peggy and another foster mother, Shannon. One of their biggest issues was that Marie was calm while describing the attack, rather than upset.  Shannon stated:

“She called and said, ‘I’ve been raped. there was just no emotion. It was like she was telling me that she’d made a sandwich.”

Peggy remembers:

“I felt like she was telling me the script of a Law & Order story. She seemed so detached and removed emotionally.”

Hearing these accounts from those closest to Marie led the police to distrust her story, and the situation unfolded from there. In rape cases, a judgment of legitimacy often focuses on the victim’s reaction during and following the event instead of on the assailant’s behaviour.

Clinical psychologist Dr. Rebecca Campbell spoke about the neurobiology of sexual assault in a talk to the National Institute of Justice. She explained that victims are flooded with high levels of opiates during a rape—chemicals in the body intended to block physical and emotional pain, but which can also dull the victims’ feelings:

“The affect that a victim might be communicating during the assault and afterward may be very flat, incredibly monotone—like seeing no emotional reaction, which can seem counterintuitive to both the victim and other people.”

This misperception contributes to sexual assault cases not going to trial. Of rape cases that are reported, 84% are never referred to prosecutors or charged; 7% are charged but later dropped; 7% get a plea bargain; 1% are acquitted; and only 1% are ever convicted.

Dr. Campbell identifies part of this problem as the police misunderstanding victims’ reactions as they recount their trauma. Based on this confusion, police officers make assumptions about the legitimacy of what they hear and often discourage victims from seeking justice. Officers may even secondarily victimize them.

Secondary victimization is defined by Dr. Campbell as “the attitudes, beliefs and behaviors of social system personnel that victims experience as victim blaming and insensitive. It exacerbates their trauma, and it makes them feel like what they’re experiencing is a second rape.”

On average, 90% of victims are subject to at least one secondary victimization in their first encounter with the justice system. Victimization includes discouraging victims from pursuing the case, telling them it’s not serious enough, and asking about their appearance or any actions that may have provoked the assault.

These incidents have a profound effect on victims, as conveyed by Dr. Campbell, with many reporting feeling depressed, blamed, and violated. In fact, 80% feel unwilling to seek further help. As a result, many rape victims withdraw their complaint. To make matters worse, only 68% of rape cases are reported in the first place.

Sharing information on the neurobiology of trauma could be a powerful tool in educating police officers who don’t understand victims’ reactions. Evidence of the neurobiological changes that lead to flat affect or what appear to be huge emotional swings after an assault may help police better serve this population.

Furthermore, normalizing a range of reactions from rape victims, rather than accepting preconceived notions, may lead to a safer and more effective environment for reporting sexual assault. Knowledge about trauma can also serve to inform public discourse about sexual assault, as well as help victims to see their own reactions with compassion.

–Caitlin McNair, Contributing Writer, The Trauma and Mental Health Report.

–Chief Editor: Robert T. MullerThe Trauma and Mental Health Report. 

Copyright Robert T. Muller.

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

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Medical Marijuana for PTSD?

00Addiction, Featured news, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, Stress, Therapy, Trauma December, 17

Source: Sinclair Terrasidius at flickr, Creative Commons

On October 1, 2016, a Canadian medical marijuana company called Marijuana for Trauma opened a location in Edmonton, Alberta to treat PTSD in military veterans. It’s owned and operated by Fabian Henry, who uses marijuana to treat combat-related PTSD, resulting from his second tour of duty in Afghanistan. He claims that conventional medicine does not allow people struggling with PTSD to process their trauma, while marijuana does.

Although the use of medical marijuana for the treatment of physical and psychological disorders is controversial, medical marijuana is currently legal in Canada.

The Washington Post reported that therapeutic use of marijuana was banned in the U.S. in 1970, and marijuana is still categorized as an illicit drug despite its potential medicinal benefits. Given its controversial nature and association with stereotypes, cannabis research for treatment of mental disorders has been limited. But scientific interest is intensifying.

A recent study published in Molecular Psychiatry showed that treatment using particular compounds found in marijuana may benefit those with PTSD, and that “plant-derived cannabinoids [psychoactive chemicals] such as marijuana may possess some benefits in individuals with PTSD by helping relieve haunting nightmares and other symptoms of PTSD.”

Research published on Science Daily also looked at symptom reduction in patients with PTSD. As a result of taking medical marijuana, participants reported a decrease in re-experiencing the trauma, less avoidance of situations that reminded them of the trauma, and a decline in hyper-arousal.

There is also anecdotal evidence. In an interview with the Trauma and Mental Health Report, Dianna Donnelly, a counselor and patient at the Canadian Cannabis Clinics, described her experience:

“I am a patient who legally uses cannabis for depression. The cannabis helps mute or lower my negative chatter, which allows for good thoughts and feelings to arise. One Veteran, a friend of mine, who recently started using marijuana instead of prescription medication for PTSD, said that with the cannabis, he can feel his emotions, and experience them properly and safely. Before, he just felt numb.”

Medical marijuana is not usually used on its own for the treatment of PTSD. Shelley Franklin, the Veteran Program Coordinator for the Canadian Cannabis Clinics, explained:

“Medical cannabis is used in conjunction with other therapies. Peer support groups are a highly supported therapy for patients suffering an Operational Stress Injury [another term for PTSD]. Medical cannabis strains with the right CBD and THC [psychoactive chemicals in cannabis] levels are assisting veterans with chronic physical pain, as well anxiety and insomnia issues. I believe that medical cannabis will continue to work in conjunction with many other therapies.”

Conversely, former Canadian Member of Parliament Peter Stoffer believes that soldiers have too much access to medical marijuana. Although not opposed to the use of medical marijuana in certain cases, Stoffer believes that current legislation, which compensates veterans for up to 10 grams of cannabis per day, promotes overuse and could potentially lead to negative effects. In an interview with the CBC, Stoffer said:

“Ten grams a day is an awful lot of marijuana to give one person. It is an incredible amount. That’s simply not the way to go. You’re not helping that person at all. You’re not giving them any chance of recovery. All you’re really doing is masking the pain that they’re suffering.”

The research is still in its infancy and likely to explode in the near future, as the Canadian government prepares to remove restrictions on marijuana in 2017. This movement will make it much easier for researchers to study the effects cannabis has on psychological disorders and to form conclusions on its efficacy.

As for Fabian Henry and his cannabis dispensary Marijuana for Trauma, he continues to work with physicians to tailor the amounts dispensed to individuals and has no plans himself to stop using the drug.

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

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Medical Marijuana for PTSD?

80Addiction, Featured news, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, Stress, Therapy, Trauma December, 17

Source: Sinclair Terrasidius at flickr, Creative Commons

On October 1st, 2016, a Canadian medical marijuana company called Marijuana for Trauma opened a location in Edmonton, Alberta to treat PTSD in military veterans. It’s owned and operated by Fabian Henry, who uses marijuana to treat combat-related PTSD, resulting from his second tour of duty in Afghanistan. He claims that conventional medicine does not allow people struggling with PTSD to process their trauma, while marijuana does.

Although the use of medical marijuana for the treatment of physical and psychological disorders is controversial, medical marijuana is currently legal in Canada.

The Washington Post reports that therapeutic use of marijuana was banned in the U.S. in 1970, and marijuana is still categorized as an illicit drug despite its potential medicinal benefits. Given its controversial nature and association with stereotypes, cannabis research for treatment of mental disorders has been limited. But scientific interest is intensifying.

A recent study published in Molecular Psychiatry showed that treatment using particular compounds found in marijuana may benefit those with PTSD, and that “…plant-derived cannabinoids [psychoactive chemicals] such as marijuana may possess some benefits in individuals with PTSD by helping relieve haunting nightmares and other symptoms of PTSD.”

Research published in Science Daily also looked at symptom reduction in patients with PTSD. As a result of taking medical marijuana, participants reported a decrease in re-experiencing the trauma, less avoidance of situations that reminded them of the trauma, and a decline in hyper-arousal.

There is also anecdotal evidence. In an interview with the Trauma and Mental Health Report, Dianna Donnelly, a counselor and patient at the Canadian Cannabis Clinics, described her experience:

“I am a patient who legally uses cannabis for depression. The cannabis helps mute or lower my negative chatter, which allows for good thoughts and feelings to arise. One Veteran, a friend of mine, who recently started using marijuana instead of prescription medication for PTSD, said that with the cannabis, he can feel his emotions, and experience them properly and safely. Before, he just felt numb.”

Medical marijuana is not usually used on its own for the treatment of PTSD. Shelley Franklin, the Veteran Program Coordinator for the Canadian Cannabis Clinics, explained that:

“Medical cannabis is used in conjunction with other therapies. Peer support groups are a highly supported therapy for patients suffering an Operational Stress Injury [another term for PTSD]. Medical cannabis strains with the right CBD and THC [psychoactive chemicals in cannabis] levels are assisting veterans with chronic physical pain, as well anxiety and insomnia issues. I believe that medical cannabis will continue to work in conjunction with many other therapies.”

Conversely, former Canadian Member of Parliament Peter Stoffer believes that soldiers have too much access to medical marijuana. Although not opposed to the use of medical marijuana in certain cases, Stoffer believes that current legislation, which compensates veterans for up to 10 grams of cannabis per day, promotes overuse and could potentially lead to negative effects. In an interview with the CBC, Stoffer said:

“Ten grams a day is an awful lot of marijuana to give one person. It is an incredible amount. That’s simply not the way to go. You’re not helping that person at all. You’re not giving them any chance of recovery. All you’re really doing is masking the pain that they’re suffering.”

The research is still in its infancy and likely to explode in the near future, as the Canadian government prepares to remove restrictions on marijuana in 2017. This movement will make it much easier for researchers to study the effects cannabis has on psychological disorders and to form conclusions on its efficacy.

As for Fabian Henry and his cannabis dispensary Marijuana for Trauma, he continues to work with physicians to tailor the amounts dispensed to individuals and has no plans himself to stop using the drug.

–Andrei Nistor, Contributing Writer, The Trauma and Mental Health Report.

–Chief Editor: Robert T. Muller, The Trauma and Mental Health Report.

Copyright Robert T. Muller.

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

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In Long-Term Care, Patient-on-Patient Violence on the Rise

00Aging, Anger, Cognition, Dementia, Featured news, Health, Trauma November, 17

A January 2016 Vancouver Sun article reported on 16 seniors in British Columbia (BC) killed in the last 4 years from violence in long-term care facilities.

While the mention of violence in nursing homes conjures images of support workers abusing patients, these altercations actually took place between patients. In each case, either one or both of the people involved suffered from a severe cognitive disability.

In one case, Karl Otessen, who suffered from dementia, had experienced multiple outbursts in which he would attack staff or rip off his clothes. He was on medication, and behavioral strategies had been implemented by the nurses, yet Otessen’s final attack resulted in a fractured hip, and he later died from related complications.

This sort of violence by a patient is rarely premeditated, making it difficult to prevent. The Alzheimer’s Society describes dementia patients as having difficulty describing their needs, leading to frustration and aggression. And dementia often causes decreased inhibition, resulting in violent and unpredictable outbursts.

In an interview with Global News, Sara Kaur, a support worker at a long-term care center in Mississauga, said that “Conflict can be prevented by understanding dementia and a senior’s inability to communicate simple needs.” By understanding the causes and symptoms of a mental-health disorder, a long-term care facility employee has a better chance of resolving potentially violent situations in a productive manner.

Many facilities have reported that they are under-staffed and under-equipped. But an article from Healthy Debate Canada, a publication focusing on the Canadian health care system, notes that:

“While we need more staff in long term care, just establishing an arbitrary number for staffing ratio isn’t the solution; it’s equally important to look at how much time staff are able to spend directly with residents, and whether they have the training they need to provide quality care.”

In Otessen’s case, although nurses tried to use a number of behavioural techniques to calm him, if a specific mental-health treatment plan had been in place, it’s possible that his violent behavior would have been reduced or eliminated entirely.

The Ontario Long Term Care Association, which examines progressive practices for long-term care homes, has suggested the use of specialized teams of nurses and support workers who are trained in identifying the triggers that lead to aggression in dementia patients. After identifying those triggers, the goal is to then create a solution to address the issue and protect other patients.

Using specialized teams may reduce the burden on regular support workers while also addressing the mental health needs of patients in an individualized manner. It is not enough to issue facility-wide policy changes to address behavioural issues when their causes vary from case to case.

The issue of patient-on-patient violence won’t be resolved without further attention. In Canada alone, there are currently over 750,000 individuals living with dementia, a number projected to double in 15 years. The growing elderly population must be considered when implementing budgetary and training changes to long-term care facilities.

–Andrei Nistor, Contributing Writer, The Trauma and Mental Health Report.

–Chief Editor: Robert T. Muller, The Trauma and Mental Health Report.

Copyright Robert T. Muller.

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

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In Long-Term Care, Patient-on-Patient Violence on the Rise

00Aging, Anger, Cognition, Dementia, Featured news, Health, Trauma November, 17

Source: SpaceShoe at flickr, Creative Commons

A January 2016 Vancouver Sun article reported on 16 seniors in British Columbia (BC) killed in the last 4 years from violence in long-term care facilities.

While the mention of violence in nursing homes conjures images of support workers abusing patients, these altercations actually took place between patients. In each case, either one or both of the people involved suffered from a severe cognitive disability.

In one case, Karl Otessen, who suffered from dementia, had experienced multiple outbursts in which he would attack staff or rip off his clothes. He was on medication, and behavioral strategies had been implemented by the nurses, yet Otessen’s final attack resulted in a fractured hip, and he later died from related complications.

This sort of violence by a patient is rarely premeditated, making it difficult to prevent. The Alzheimer’s Society describes dementia patients as having difficulty describing their needs, leading to frustration and aggression. And dementia often causes decreased inhibition, resulting in violent and unpredictable outbursts.

In an interview with Global News, Sara Kaur, a support worker at a long-term care center in Mississauga, said that “Conflict can be prevented by understanding dementia and a senior’s inability to communicate simple needs.” By understanding the causes and symptoms of a mental-health disorder, a long-term care facility employee has a better chance of resolving potentially violent situations in a productive manner.

Many facilities have reported that they are under-staffed and under-equipped. But an article from Healthy Debate Canada, a publication focusing on the Canadian health care system, notes that:

“While we need more staff in long term care, just establishing an arbitrary number for staffing ratio isn’t the solution; it’s equally important to look at how much time staff are able to spend directly with residents, and whether they have the training they need to provide quality care.”

In Otessen’s case, although nurses tried to use a number of behavioural techniques to calm him, if a specific mental-health treatment plan had been in place, it’s possible that his violent behavior would have been reduced or eliminated entirely.

The Ontario Long Term Care Association, which examines progressive practices for long-term care homes, has suggested the use of specialized teams of nurses and support workers who are trained in identifying the triggers that lead to aggression in dementia patients. After identifying those triggers, the goal is to then create a solution to address the issue and protect other patients.

Using specialized teams may reduce the burden on regular support workers while also addressing the mental health needs of patients in an individualized manner. It is not enough to issue facility-wide policy changes to address behavioural issues when their causes vary from case to case.

The issue of patient-on-patient violence won’t be resolved without further attention. In Canada alone, there are currently over 750,000 individuals living with dementia, a number projected to double in 15 years. The growing elderly population must be considered when implementing budgetary and training changes to long-term care facilities.

–Andrei Nistor, Contributing Writer, The Trauma and Mental Health Report.

–Chief Editor: Robert T. Muller, The Trauma and Mental Health Report.

Copyright Robert T. Muller.
 

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

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Trauma Exposure Linked to PTSD in 911 Dispatchers

00Featured news, Health, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, Therapy, Trauma, Work September, 17

Source: Public Domain at flickr

In February 2016, Gail—a 911 dispatcher with Toronto Paramedic Services—found herself in tears at work. She had just received a call about Wallace Passos, a three-year-old boy from Toronto, who fell from a 17-story apartment building to his death.

At age 57, Gail has been working as an Emergency Medical Dispatcher for 15 years. Taking calls from around the city, she dispatches the closest ambulance. All dispatchers are expected to work 12-hour shifts, at times with only one colleague on duty.

This past year, Gail’s job became especially difficult for her when she was diagnosed with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Gail recently spoke with the Trauma and Mental Health Report to discuss the experience that led to the diagnosis:

“I’m still haunted by the sounds of the family crying on the phone after the three-year-old fell off the building. I imagine the boy in pain, and it’s just awful.”

Gail is not the first emergency dispatcher to experience PTSD symptoms. A study conducted by researchers at Northern Illinois University described how 911 dispatchers are exposed to duty-related trauma, which is defined as an indirect exposure to someone else’s traumatic experience. Duty-related trauma puts dispatchers at risk for developing PTSD. Participants in the study reported experiencing fear, helplessness, and horror in reaction to various calls they received.

Along with the stress of being on the receiving end of difficult calls, emergency dispatchers also deal with the pressure and demand of following protocol, despite variability in situations.

Toronto Paramedic Services follows specific protocols set by The National Academy of Dispatch. The system was developed at Salt Lake City, Utah in 1988 and incorporates a set of 33 protocols for those answering 911 emergency phone calls. On a call, everyone is treated equally and is asked the same basic investigative questions. These questions are then used to give priority to life-threatening situations and provide guidance to first responders like firefighters, paramedics, and police officers on the scene.

While the protocols can be useful for guiding dispatchers through stressful situations, in other circumstances, they can cause pain and discomfort when a dispatcher can tell that a situation is hopeless. Dispatchers are not trained to deal with each unique case differently; they are expected to follow through with the routine questions regardless of circumstances.

In the case of Wallace Passos, Gail had to give instructions for CPR despite knowing that the child was already dead.

“It’s not just that the little boy died, but I feel that I traumatized the people that were trying to help him because I was required, in my position as a dispatcher, to tell them what to do to try and save him. And I knew from their description that he was dead. But we have to follow the procedure; we have to try.”

This predicament is further compounded by the blame placed on dispatchers for negative outcomes. Gail explains:

“People curse us and call us names just because we’re doing our jobs.”

Before her diagnosis, Gail often found herself crying at work without reason; she would take a call regarding a minor injury and become emotional. Her supervisor eventually gave her permission to take a leave of absence.

Over the past few months she has had disruptive sleep, nightmares, headaches, and unexplainable muscle spasms:

“I am hyper-vigilant, especially when I hear sirens. And it doesn’t have to be an ambulance; it could be a police car or fire truck. I hear the sirens and I start tensing up and looking all around me.”

Gail has been on a year-long search for proper psychological support for her PTSD. Unfortunately, there are few mental health benefits offered to dispatchers. Gail sought help from doctors, counselors, and social workers, most of whom referred her to other mental healthcare workers without providing much support.

But there is reason to be optimistic. The Ontario government passed legislation in February 2016 for better mental health support and benefits for first responders with PTSD, including 911 dispatchers.

“It made me sad that no one was stepping up and taking care of us. I want my peers to understand what it’s like to have PTSD after doing this job because I felt so alone when it happened to me. But this new legislation is huge. I think it’s very important because it’s raising awareness around this concern.”

–Afifa Mahboob, Contributing Writer

–Chief Editor: Robert T. Muller, The Trauma and Mental Health Report.

Copyright Robert T. Muller.

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

feature-_-af5-470x260-fe5510d0d275a89fd87a25acc8b8aee46014c652

Trauma Exposure Linked to PTSD in 911 Dispatchers

00Featured news, Health, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, Therapy, Trauma, Work September, 17

Source: Public Domain at flickr

In February 2016, Gail—a 911 dispatcher with Toronto Paramedic Services—found herself in tears at work. She had just received a call about Wallace Passos, a three-year-old boy from Toronto, who fell from a 17-story apartment building to his death.

At age 57, Gail has been working as an Emergency Medical Dispatcher for 15 years. Taking calls from around the city, she dispatches the closest ambulance. All dispatchers are expected to work 12-hour shifts, at times with only one colleague on duty.

This past year, Gail’s job became especially difficult for her when she was diagnosed with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). Gail recently spoke with the Trauma and Mental Health Report to discuss the experience that led to the diagnosis:

“I’m still haunted by the sounds of the family crying on the phone after the three-year-old fell off the building. I imagine the boy in pain, and it’s just awful.”

Gail is not the first emergency dispatcher to experience PTSD symptoms. A study conducted by researchers at Northern Illinois University described how 911 dispatchers are exposed to duty-related trauma, which is defined as an indirect exposure to someone else’s traumatic experience. Duty-related trauma puts dispatchers at risk for developing PTSD. Participants in the study reported experiencing fear, helplessness, and horror in reaction to various calls they received.

Along with the stress of being on the receiving end of difficult calls, emergency dispatchers also deal with the pressure and demand of following protocol, despite variability in situations.

Toronto Paramedic Services follows specific protocols set by The National Academy of Dispatch. The system was developed at Salt Lake City, Utah in 1988 and incorporates a set of 33 protocols for those answering 911 emergency phone calls. On a call, everyone is treated equally and is asked the same basic investigative questions. These questions are then used to give priority to life-threatening situations and provide guidance to first responders like firefighters, paramedics, and police officers on the scene.

While the protocols can be useful for guiding dispatchers through stressful situations, in other circumstances, they can cause pain and discomfort when a dispatcher can tell that a situation is hopeless. Dispatchers are not trained to deal with each unique case differently; they are expected to follow through with the routine questions regardless of circumstances.

In the case of Wallace Passos, Gail had to give instructions for CPR despite knowing that the child was already dead.

“It’s not just that the little boy died, but I feel that I traumatized the people that were trying to help him because I was required, in my position as a dispatcher, to tell them what to do to try and save him. And I knew from their description that he was dead. But we have to follow the procedure; we have to try.”

This predicament is further compounded by the blame placed on dispatchers for negative outcomes. Gail explains:

“People curse us and call us names just because we’re doing our jobs.”

Before her diagnosis, Gail often found herself crying at work without reason; she would take a call regarding a minor injury and become emotional. Her supervisor eventually gave her permission to take a leave of absence.

Over the past few months she has had disruptive sleep, nightmares, headaches, and unexplainable muscle spasms:

“I am hyper-vigilant, especially when I hear sirens. And it doesn’t have to be an ambulance; it could be a police car or fire truck. I hear the sirens and I start tensing up and looking all around me.”

Gail has been on a year-long search for proper psychological support for her PTSD. Unfortunately, there are few mental health benefits offered to dispatchers. Gail sought help from doctors, counselors, and social workers, most of whom referred her to other mental healthcare workers without providing much support.

But there is reason to be optimistic. The Ontario government passed legislation in February 2016 for better mental health support and benefits for first responders with PTSD, including 911 dispatchers.

“It made me sad that no one was stepping up and taking care of us. I want my peers to understand what it’s like to have PTSD after doing this job because I felt so alone when it happened to me. But this new legislation is huge. I think it’s very important because it’s raising awareness around this concern.”

–Afifa Mahboob, Contributing Writer

–Chief Editor: Robert T. MullerThe Trauma and Mental Health Report.

Copyright Robert T. Muller.

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

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Let's Eliminate Physical Restraints in Group Homes

00Adolescence, Autism, Caregiving, Ethics and Morality, Featured news, Trauma September, 17

Source: Valentine Svensson at flickr, Creative Commons

In April 2015, Justin Sangiuliano, a seventeen-year-old diagnosed with Autism, was physically restrained at his group home in Oshawa, Canada. To control an aggressive outburst, two staff members grabbed his arms and placed him on the floor as he kicked and screamed. Staff released him once he stopped struggling, but Justin never got up. He was rushed to the hospital without a heartbeat and died five days later.

Justin’s death, and the deaths of other children in Ontario group homes, raises questions about the provincial child protection system and the efficacy of using force to restrain vulnerable populations.

The Canadian Institute for Health Information defines physical restraint as when “a person is physically held to restrict his or her movement for a brief period of time in order to restore calm to the individual.”

Ontario regulations state that physical restraints can be used to prevent group home residents from injuring themselves, injuring others, or causing significant property damage. Restraints should only be used after less intrusive methods have been applied and deemed ineffective.

But a Toronto Star investigation found that physical intervention is being used as a frequent form of discipline in these homes. The report documented that, between 2010 and 2015, some 45,000 restraints were used in Ontario residential programs to discipline vulnerable children and youth. Restraints were used in more than one third of the 1,200 serious occurrence reports filed in 2013 by group homes in Toronto.

While there may be some benefits to using physical restraint in controlling violent children, inappropriate use of these practices suggests a power and control issue among some group home staff.

The Toronto Star investigation reported an instance of a child begging to be released: “I’m going to pee myself.” The staff members refused to let go of the child until he urinated on himself.

In another study by social work professors Laura Steckley and Andrew Kendrick at the University of Strathclyde in Glasgow, Scotland, children spoke to the injuries they incurred as a result of forcible restraint:

“Half the time when residential staff restrain you they just purely hurt you. I get hurt most of the time. I had a mark from a carpet burn, hurting on my shoulder, and marks on my chest.”

Additionally, preventable deaths and high rates of physical intervention on children with developmental disabilities demonstrate inadequate training of residential staff.

In an interview with the Toronto Star, Kim Snow, an associate professor at Ryerson University’s School of Child and Youth Care, speaks to the dangers of restraining children with developmental disabilities without safe and adequate staff training:

“Although the provincial government lists six approved training programs in the use of physical restraints, no one has looked at which techniques are best. Is one safer than the other? Should one be used in certain situations and not others? Sometimes staff can’t contain kids using a restraint. So what happens when those situations occur? Until we can answer those questions, the risk of harm as a result of restraints is quite high for both staff and kids.”

As an advocate for child safety within the Ontario residential system for over three decades, Snow wants the province to track the use of restraints more closely.

“It takes highly skilled staff to work with children with histories of trauma and accompanying rage to be able to contain them without physically intervening. When people lack those skills they become frightened and they intervene much too quickly. When that happens, the child or youth’s physical and psychological safety is at risk.”

Research by the Residential Child Care Project at Cornell University addresses the physical and psychological harm that can result from restraint use on a vulnerable population. The 2008 study found restraints to be “a considerable risk to vulnerable youth, are intrusive, have a negative effect on the treatment environment, and have a profound effect on those youth who have experienced trauma in their lives.”

And a 2013 report by Youth Leaving Care, a working group created by the Ontario government to investigate the quality of care vulnerable youth receive in group homes, identified high frequency of restraint use to be a major problem, and recommended the government “works with group home providers to clarify and reinforce policies and best practices to make sure they are followed.”

So, what is being done to improve the care of children with disabilities in Ontario residential homes?

Irwin Elman, the Provincial Advocate for Children and Youth, leads a group called Youth Leaving Care that caters to young people who grew up in Ontario’s group homes.

While certain advocates of children and youth in residential homes call for improved training to properly implement restraints, Elman believes these homes should eliminate restraint altogether to limit preventable deaths.

“These are children who often come with experiences of violence or serious mental health challenges. How in hell do we expect them to achieve to their full potential, to heal, to find supportive relationships in those kinds of environments?”

–Lauren Goldberg, Contributing Writer, The Trauma and Mental Health Report. 

–Chief Editor: Robert T. MullerThe Trauma and Mental Health Report

Copyright Robert T. Muller.

This article was originally published on Psychology Today

feature-_lg4-470x260_1-3169d1a3d17f2d96a339b23b310942e2c89804a7

Let's Eliminate Physical Restraints in Group Homes

00Adolescence, Autism, Caregiving, Ethics and Morality, Featured news, Trauma September, 17

Source: Valentine Svensson at flickr, Creative Commons

In April 2015, Justin Sangiuliano, a seventeen-year-old diagnosed with Autism, was physically restrained at his group home in Oshawa, Canada. To control an aggressive outburst, two staff members grabbed his arms and placed him on the floor as he kicked and screamed. Staff released him once he stopped struggling, but Justin never got up. He was rushed to the hospital without a heartbeat and died five days later.

Justin’s death, and the deaths of other children in Ontario group homes, raises questions about the provincial child protection system and the efficacy of using force to restrain vulnerable populations.

The Canadian Institute for Health Information defines physical restraint as when “a person is physically held to restrict his or her movement for a brief period of time in order to restore calm to the individual.”

Ontario regulations state that physical restraints can be used to prevent group home residents from injuring themselves, injuring others, or causing significant property damage. Restraints should only be used after less intrusive methods have been applied and deemed ineffective.

But a Toronto Star investigation found that physical intervention is being used as a frequent form of discipline in these homes. The report documented that, between 2010 and 2015, some 45,000 restraints were used in Ontario residential programs to discipline vulnerable children and youth. Restraints were used in more than one third of the 1,200 serious occurrence reports filed in 2013 by group homes in Toronto.

While there may be some benefits to using physical restraint in controlling violent children, inappropriate use of these practices suggests a power and control issue among some group home staff.

The Toronto Star investigation reported an instance of a child begging to be released: “I’m going to pee myself.” The staff members refused to let go of the child until he urinated on himself.

In another study by social work professors Laura Steckley and Andrew Kendrick at the University of Strathclyde in Glasgow, Scotland, children spoke to the injuries they incurred as a result of forcible restraint:

“Half the time when residential staff restrain you they just purely hurt you. I get hurt most of the time. I had a mark from a carpet burn, hurting on my shoulder, and marks on my chest.”

Additionally, preventable deaths and high rates of physical intervention on children with developmental disabilities demonstrate inadequate training of residential staff.

In an interview with the Toronto Star, Kim Snow, an associate professor at Ryerson University’s School of Child and Youth Care, speaks to the dangers of restraining children with developmental disabilities without safe and adequate staff training:

“Although the provincial government lists six approved training programs in the use of physical restraints, no one has looked at which techniques are best. Is one safer than the other? Should one be used in certain situations and not others? Sometimes staff can’t contain kids using a restraint. So what happens when those situations occur? Until we can answer those questions, the risk of harm as a result of restraints is quite high for both staff and kids.”

As an advocate for child safety within the Ontario residential system for over three decades, Snow wants the province to track the use of restraints more closely.

“It takes highly skilled staff to work with children with histories of trauma and accompanying rage to be able to contain them without physically intervening. When people lack those skills they become frightened and they intervene much too quickly. When that happens, the child or youth’s physical and psychological safety is at risk.”

Research by the Residential Child Care Project at Cornell University addresses the physical and psychological harm that can result from restraint use on a vulnerable population. The 2008 study found restraints to be “a considerable risk to vulnerable youth, are intrusive, have a negative effect on the treatment environment, and have a profound effect on those youth who have experienced trauma in their lives.”

And a 2013 report by Youth Leaving Care, a working group created by the Ontario government to investigate the quality of care vulnerable youth receive in group homes, identified high frequency of restraint use to be a major problem, and recommended the government “works with group home providers to clarify and reinforce policies and best practices to make sure they are followed.”

So, what is being done to improve the care of children with disabilities in Ontario residential homes?

Irwin Elman, the Provincial Advocate for Children and Youth, leads a group called Youth Leaving Care that caters to young people who grew up in Ontario’s group homes.

While certain advocates of children and youth in residential homes call for improved training to properly implement restraints, Elman believes these homes should eliminate restraint altogether to limit preventable deaths.

“These are children who often come with experiences of violence or serious mental health challenges. How in hell do we expect them to achieve to their full potential, to heal, to find supportive relationships in those kinds of environments?”

–Lauren Goldberg, Contributing Writer, The Trauma and Mental Health Report. 

–Chief Editor: Robert T. MullerThe Trauma and Mental Health Report

Copyright Robert T. Muller.

This article was originally published on Psychology Today